Edward Bernays Engineering Of Consent Pdf Reader

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Books by EDWARD L. CRYSTALLIZING PUBLIC. Public relations. In it I described an activity which concerns itself with the relations between an enterprise and the publics which it serves, and on which it is dependent. I pointed out that. 'Salamis,' the Athenians, inspired by the reading, were fired to win back.

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A 1937 anti-BolshevikNazi propaganda poster. The translated caption: 'Bolshevism without a mask – exhibition of the NSDAP Gauleitung Berlin in 1937.

'When you see this sign', propaganda poster 1941 of a hate campaign against Jews started by Goebbels.

Joseph Goebbels was Reich Minister of Propaganda of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He is one of the most famous propagandists of 20th century and was among leading Nazi figures.

Propaganda is information that is used primarily to influence an audience and further an agenda, which may not be objective and may be presenting facts selectively to encourage a particular synthesis or perception, or using loaded language to produce an emotional rather than a rational response to the information that is presented.^[1] Propaganda is often associated with material prepared by governments, but activist groups, companies, religious organizations and the media can also produce propaganda.

In the 20th century, the term propaganda had often been associated with a manipulative approach, but propaganda historically is a neutral descriptive term.^[1]^[2]

A wide range of materials and media are used for conveying propaganda messages, which changed as new technologies were invented, including paintings, cartoons, posters, pamphlets, films, radio shows, TV shows, and websites. More recently, the digital age has given rise to new ways of disseminating propaganda, for example, through the use of bots and algorithms to create computational propaganda and spread fake or biased news using social media.

In a 1929 literary debate with Edward Bernays, Everett Dean Martin argues that, 'Propaganda is making puppets of us. We are moved by hidden strings which the propagandist manipulates.'^[3]^[4]

4Types
6Models
7Children
9References
10Further reading

Etymology[edit]

Propaganda is a modern Latin word, the gerundive form of propagare, meaning to spread or to propagate, thus propaganda means that which is to be propagated.^[5] Originally this word derived from a new administrative body of the Catholic church (congregation) created in 1622 as part of the Counter-Reformation, called the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for Propagating the Faith), or informally simply Propaganda.^[2]^[6] Its activity was aimed at 'propagating' the Catholic faith in non-Catholic countries.^[2]

From the 1790s, the term began being used also to refer to propaganda in secular activities.^[2] The term began taking a pejorative or negative connotation in the mid-19th century, when it was used in the political sphere.^[2]

History[edit]

Primitive forms of propaganda have been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. The Behistun Inscription (c. 515 BC) detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persianthrone is viewed by most historians as an early example of propaganda.^[7] Another striking example of propaganda during ancient history is the last Roman civil wars (44-30 BC) during which Octavian and Mark Antony blamed each other for obscure and degrading origins, cruelty, cowardice, oratorical and literary incompetence, debaucheries, luxury, drunkenness and other slanders.^[8] This defamation took the form of uituperatio (Roman rhetorical genre of the invective) which was decisive for shaping the Roman public opinion at this time.

Propaganda during the Reformation, helped by the spread of the printing press throughout Europe, and in particular within Germany, caused new ideas, thoughts, and doctrine to be made available to the public in ways that had never been seen before the 16th century. During the era of the American Revolution, the American colonies had a flourishing network of newspapers and printers who specialized in the topic on behalf of the Patriots (and to a lesser extent on behalf of the Loyalists).^[9]

A propaganda newspaper clipping that refers to the Bataan Death March in 1942

The first large-scale and organised propagation of government propaganda was occasioned by the outbreak of war in 1914. After the defeat of Germany in the First World War, military officials such as Erich Ludendorff suggested that British propaganda had been instrumental in their defeat. Adolf Hitler came to echo this view, believing that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and the revolts in the German home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). In Mein Kampf (1925) Hitler expounded his theory of propaganda, which provided a powerful base for his rise to power in 1933. Historian Robert Ensor explains that 'Hitler...puts no limit on what can be done by propaganda; people will believe anything, provided they are told it often enough and emphatically enough, and that contradicters are either silenced or smothered in calumny.'^[10] Most propaganda in Nazi Germany was produced by the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels. World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, building on the experience of WWI, by Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the United States Office of War Information.^[11]

Anti-religious Soviet propaganda poster, the Russian text reads 'Away with Religious Holidays!'

In the early 20th century, the invention of motion pictures gave propaganda-creators a powerful tool for advancing political and military interests when it came to reaching a broad segment of the population and creating consent or encouraging rejection of the real or imagined enemy. In the years following the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet government sponsored the Russian film industry with the purpose of making propaganda films (e.g. the 1925 film The Battleship Potemkin glorifies Communist ideals.) In WWII, Nazi filmmakers produced highly emotional films to create popular support for occupying the Sudetenland and attacking Poland. The 1930s and 1940s, which saw the rise of totalitarian states and the Second World War, are arguably the 'Golden Age of Propaganda'. Leni Riefenstahl, a filmmaker working in Nazi Germany, created one of the best-known propaganda movies, Triumph of the Will. In the US, animation became popular, especially for winning over youthful audiences and aiding the U.S. war effort, e.g.,Der Fuehrer's Face (1942), which ridicules Hitler and advocates the value of freedom. US war films in the early 1940s were designed to create a patriotic mindset and convince viewers that sacrifices needed to be made to defeat the Axis Powers.^[12] Polish filmmakers in Great Britain created anti-nazi color film Calling mr. Smith^[13]^[14] (1943) about current nazi crimes in occupied Europe and about lies of nazi propaganda.^[15]

The West and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold War. Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens, each other, and Third World nations. George Orwell's contemporaneous novels Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four portray the use of propaganda in fictional dystopian societies. During the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro stressed the importance of propaganda.^[16]^{[better source needed]} Propaganda was used extensively by Communist forces in the Vietnam War as means of controlling people's opinions.^[17]

During the Yugoslav wars, propaganda was used as a military strategy by governments of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia. Propaganda was used to create fear and hatred, and particularly incite the Serb population against the other ethnicities (Bosniaks, Croats, Albanians and other non-Serbs). Serb media made a great effort in justifying, revising or denying mass war crimes committed by Serb forces during these wars.^[18]

Public perceptions[edit]

In the early 20th century the term propaganda was used by the founders of the nascent public relations industry to refer to their people. Literally translated from the Latingerundive as 'things that must be disseminated', in some cultures the term is neutral or even positive, while in others the term has acquired a strong negative connotation. The connotations of the term 'propaganda' can also vary over time. For example, in Portuguese and some Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in the Southern Cone, the word 'propaganda' usually refers to the most common manipulative media – 'advertising'.

Poster of the 19th-century Scandinavist movement

In English, propaganda was originally a neutral term for the dissemination of information in favor of any given cause. During the 20th century, however, the term acquired a thoroughly negative meaning in western countries, representing the intentional dissemination of often false, but certainly 'compelling' claims to support or justify political actions or ideologies. According to Harold Lasswell, the term began to fall out of favor due to growing public suspicion of propaganda in the wake of its use during World War I by the Creel Committee in the United States and the Ministry of Information in Britain: Writing in 1928, Lasswell observed, 'In democratic countries the official propaganda bureau was looked upon with genuine alarm, for fear that it might be suborned to party and personal ends. The outcry in the United States against Mr. Creel's famous Bureau of Public Information (or 'Inflammation') helped to din into the public mind the fact that propaganda existed. ... The public's discovery of propaganda has led to a great of lamentation over it. Propaganda has become an epithet of contempt and hate, and the propagandists have sought protective coloration in such names as 'public relations council,' 'specialist in public education,' 'public relations adviser.' '^[19] In 1949, political science professor Dayton David McKean wrote, 'After World War I the word came to be applied to 'what you don’t like of the other fellow’s publicity,' as Edward L. Bernays said....'^[20]

The term is essentially contested and some have argued for a neutral definition,^[21] arguing that ethics depend on intent and context,^[22] while others define it as necessarily unethical and negative.^[23] Dr Emma Briant defines it as 'the deliberate manipulation of representations (including text, pictures, video, speech etc.) with the intention of producing any effect in the audience (e.g. action or inaction; reinforcement or transformation of feelings, ideas, attitudes or behaviours) that is desired by the propagandist.'^[24]

Types[edit]

Identifying propaganda has always been a problem.^[25] The main difficulties have involved differentiating propaganda from other types of persuasion, and avoiding a biased approach. Richard Alan Nelson provides a definition of the term: 'Propaganda is neutrally defined as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological, political or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media channels.'^[26] The definition focuses on the communicative process involved – or more precisely, on the purpose of the process, and allow 'propaganda' to be considered objectively and then interpreted as positive or negative behavior depending on the perspective of the viewer or listener.

Propaganda poster in North Korean primary school

According to historian Zbyněk Zeman, propaganda is defined as either white, grey or black. White propaganda openly discloses its source and intent. Grey propaganda has an ambiguous or non-disclosed source or intent. Black propaganda purports to be published by the enemy or some organization besides its actual origins^[27] (compare with black operation, a type of clandestine operation in which the identity of the sponsoring government is hidden). In scale, these different types of propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to compete with the propaganda. For example, opposition to white propaganda is often readily found and may slightly discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to grey propaganda, when revealed (often by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry. Opposition to black propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal, because public cognizance of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine or backfire the very campaign the black propagandist supported.

Propaganda poster in North Korea

The propagandist seeks to change the way people understand an issue or situation for the purpose of changing their actions and expectations in ways that are desirable to the interest group. Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to censorship in which the same purpose is achieved, not by filling people's minds with approved information, but by preventing people from being confronted with opposing points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other forms of advocacy is the willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding through deception and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding. The leaders of an organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this may not be true for the rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda.

From a series of woodcuts (1545) usually referred to as the Papstspotbilder or Papstspottbilder in German or Depictions of the Papacy in English,^[28] by Lucas Cranach, commissioned by Martin Luther.^[29] Title: Kissing the Pope's Feet.^[30] German peasants respond to a papal bull of Pope Paul III. Caption reads: 'Don't frighten us Pope, with your ban, and don't be such a furious man. Otherwise we shall turn around and show you our rears.'^[31]^[32]

Religious[edit]

Propaganda was often used to influence opinions and beliefs on religious issues, particularly during the split between the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant churches.

More in line with the religious roots of the term, propaganda is also used widely in the debates about new religious movements (NRMs), both by people who defend them and by people who oppose them. The latter pejoratively call these NRMs cults. Anti-cult activists and Christian countercult activists accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively to recruit followers and keep them. Some social scientists, such as the late Jeffrey Hadden, and CESNUR affiliated scholars accuse ex-members of 'cults' and the anti-cult movement of making these unusual religious movements look bad without sufficient reasons.^[33]^[34]

Wartime[edit]

A US Office for War Information poster uses stereotyped imagery to encourage Americans to work hard to contribute to the war effort

Post–World War II usage of the word 'propaganda' more typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these techniques or to the promotion of a set of ideas.

Propaganda is a powerful weapon in war; it is used to dehumanize and create hatred toward a supposed enemy, either internal or external, by creating a false image in the mind of soldiers and citizens. This can be done by using derogatory or racist terms (e.g., the racist terms 'Jap' and 'gook' used during World War II and the Vietnam War, respectively), avoiding some words or language or by making allegations of enemy atrocities. Most propaganda efforts in wartime require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an injustice, which may be fictitious or may be based on facts (e.g., the sinking of the passenger ship RMS Lusitania by the German Navy in World War I). The home population must also believe that the cause of their nation in the war is just. In NATO doctrine, propaganda is defined as 'Any information, ideas, doctrines, or special appeals disseminated to influence the opinion, emotions, attitudes, or behaviour of any specified group in order to benefit the sponsor either directly or indirectly.'^[35] Within this perspective, information provided does not need to be necessarily false, but must be instead relevant to specific goals of the 'actor' or 'system' that performs it.

Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also involve false flag operations in which the identity of the operatives is depicted as those of an enemy nation (e.g., The Bay of Pigs invasion used CIA planes painted in Cuban Air Force markings). The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to reinforce the mindsets of people who already believe as the propagandist wishes (e.g., During the First World War, the main purpose of British propaganda was to encourage men join the army, and women to work in the country's industry. The propaganda posters were used, because radios and TVs were not very common at that time.).^[36] The assumption is that, if people believe something false, they will constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are unpleasant (see cognitive dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and are therefore receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason propaganda is often addressed to people who are already sympathetic to the agenda or views being presented. This process of reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to self-select 'agreeable' information sources as a mechanism for maintaining control over populations.

Britannia arm-in-arm with Uncle Sam symbolizes the British-American alliance in World War I.

Propaganda may be administered in insidious ways. For instance, disparaging disinformation about the history of certain groups or foreign countries may be encouraged or tolerated in the educational system. Since few people actually double-check what they learn at school, such disinformation will be repeated by journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing the idea that the disinformation item is really a 'well-known fact', even though no one repeating the myth is able to point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is then recycled in the media and in the educational system, without the need for direct governmental intervention on the media. Such permeating propaganda may be used for political goals: by giving citizens a false impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to reject certain proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others.

In the Soviet Union during the Second World War, the propaganda designed to encourage civilians was controlled by Stalin, who insisted on a heavy-handed style that educated audiences easily saw was inauthentic. On the other hand, the unofficial rumours about German atrocities were well founded and convincing.^[37] Stalin was a Georgian who spoke Russian with a heavy accent. That would not do for a national hero so starting in the 1930s all new visual portraits of Stalin were retouched to erase his Georgian facial characteristics and make him a more generalized Soviet hero. Only his eyes and famous mustache remained unaltered. Zhores Medvedev and Roy Medvedev say his 'majestic new image was devised appropriately to depict the leader of all times and of all peoples.'^[38]

Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits any propaganda for war as well as any advocacy of national or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence by law.^[39]

Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship. The people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country.

— Hermann Göring^[40]

Advertising[edit]

Propaganda shares techniques with advertising and public relations, each of which can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or shapes the perception of an organization, person, or brand.

World War I propaganda poster for enlistment in the U.S. Army

Journalistic theory generally holds that news items should be objective, giving the reader an accurate background and analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand, advertisements evolved from the traditional commercial advertisements to include also a new type in the form of paid articles or broadcasts disguised as news. These generally present an issue in a very subjective and often misleading light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform. Normally they use only subtle propaganda techniques and not the more obvious ones used in traditional commercial advertisements. If the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news item, the message the advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily 'believed' or 'internalized'. Such advertisements are considered obvious examples of 'covert' propaganda because they take on the appearance of objective information rather than the appearance of propaganda, which is misleading. Federal law specifically mandates that any advertisement appearing in the format of a news item must state that the item is in fact a paid advertisement.

Politics[edit]

Propaganda has become more common in political contexts, in particular to refer to certain efforts sponsored by governments, political groups, but also often covert interests. In the early 20th century, propaganda was exemplified in the form of party slogans. Propaganda also has much in common with public information campaigns by governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of behavior (such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering and so forth). Again, the emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets, posters, TV and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium. In the case of the United States, there is also an important legal (imposed by law) distinction between advertising (a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of the United States Congress, refers to as 'covert propaganda'.

Roderick Hindery argues^[41] that propaganda exists on the political left, and right, and in mainstream centrist parties. Hindery further argues that debates about most social issues can be productively revisited in the context of asking 'what is or is not propaganda?' Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda, indoctrination, and terrorism/counterterrorism. He argues that threats to destroy are often as socially disruptive as physical devastation itself.

Anti-communist propaganda in a 1947 comic book published by the Catechetical Guild Educational Society warning of 'the dangers of a Communist takeover'

Since 9/11 and the appearance of greater media fluidity, propaganda institutions, practices and legal frameworks have been evolving in the US and Britain. Dr Emma Louise Briant shows how this included expansion and integration of the apparatus cross-government and details attempts to coordinate the forms of propaganda for foreign and domestic audiences, with new efforts in strategic communication.^[42] These were subject to contestation within the US Government, resisted by PentagonPublic Affairs and critiqued by some scholars.^[43] The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 (section 1078 (a)) amended the US Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948 (popularly referred to as the Smith-Mundt Act) and the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1987, allowing for materials produced by the State Department and the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) to be released within U.S. borders for the Archivist of the United States. The Smith-Mundt Act, as amended, provided that 'the Secretary and the Broadcasting Board of Governors shall make available to the Archivist of the United States, for domestic distribution, motion pictures, films, videotapes, and other material 12 years after the initial dissemination of the material abroad (...) Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit the Department of State or the Broadcasting Board of Governors from engaging in any medium or form of communication, either directly or indirectly, because a United States domestic audience is or may be thereby exposed to program material, or based on a presumption of such exposure.' Public concerns were raised upon passage due to the relaxation of prohibitions of domestic propaganda in the United States.^[44]

Techniques[edit]

Anti-capitalist propaganda

Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports, government reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio, television, and posters. Some propaganda campaigns follow a strategic transmission pattern to indoctrinate the target group. This may begin with a simple transmission, such as a leaflet or advertisement dropped from a plane or an advertisement. Generally these messages will contain directions on how to obtain more information, via a web site, hot line, radio program, etc. (as it is seen also for selling purposes among other goals). The strategy intends to initiate the individual from information recipient to information seeker through reinforcement, and then from information seeker to opinion leader through indoctrination.^[45]

A number of techniques based in social psychological research are used to generate propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies, since propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily valid.

Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which the propaganda messages are transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination strategies become propaganda strategies only when coupled with propagandistic messages. Identifying these messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods by which those messages are spread.

Propaganda can also be turned on its makers. For example postage stamps have frequently been tools for government advertising, such as North Korea's extensive issues.^[46] The presence of Stalin on numerous Soviet stamps is another example.^[47] During the Third ReichHitler frequently appeared on postage stamps in Germany and some of the occupied nations. A British program to parody these, and other Nazi-inspired stamps, involved air dropping them into Germany on letters containing anti-Nazi literature.^[48]^[49]

Models[edit]

Social psychology[edit]

Public reading of the anti-Semitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Worms, Germany, 1935

The field of social psychology includes the study of persuasion. Social psychologists can be sociologists or psychologists. The field includes many theories and approaches to understanding persuasion. For example, communication theory points out that people can be persuaded by the communicator's credibility, expertise, trustworthiness, and attractiveness. The elaboration likelihood model as well as heuristic models of persuasion suggest that a number of factors (e.g., the degree of interest of the recipient of the communication), influence the degree to which people allow superficial factors to persuade them. Nobel Prize–winning psychologist Herbert A. Simon won the Nobel prize for his theory that people are cognitive misers. That is, in a society of mass information, people are forced to make decisions quickly and often superficially, as opposed to logically.

According to William W. Biddle's 1931 article 'A psychological definition of propaganda', '[t]he four principles followed in propaganda are: (1) rely on emotions, never argue; (2) cast propaganda into the pattern of 'we' versus an 'enemy'; (3) reach groups as well as individuals; (4) hide the propagandist as much as possible.'^[50]

Herman and Chomsky[edit]

Early 20th-century depiction of a 'European Anarchist' attempting to destroy the Statue of Liberty

The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky which argues systemic biases in the mass media and seeks to explain them in terms of structural economic causes:

The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy.^[51]^[52]

First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, the propaganda model views the private media as businesses selling a product – readers and audiences (rather than news) – to other businesses (advertisers) and relying primarily on government and corporate information and propaganda. The theory postulates five general classes of 'filters' that determine the type of news that is presented in news media: Ownership of the medium, the medium's Funding, Sourcing of the news, Flak, and anti-communist ideology.

The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and organizing principles the model postulates as the cause of media bias.

Children[edit]

A 1938 propaganda of the New State depicting Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas flanked by children. The text on the bottom right of this poster translates as: 'Children! Learning, at home and in school, the cult of the Fatherland, you will bring all chances of success to life. Only love builds and, strongly loving Brazil, you will lead it to the greatest of destinies among Nations, fulfilling the desires of exaltation nestled in every Brazilian heart.'

Poster promoting the Nicaraguan Sandinistas. The text reads: 'Sandinista children: Toño, Delia and Rodolfo are in the Association of Sandinista Children. Sandinista children use a neckerchief. They participate in the revolution and are very studious.'

Of all the potential targets for propaganda, children are the most vulnerable because they are the least prepared with the critical reasoning and contextual comprehension they need to determine whether a message is propaganda or not. The attention children give their environment during development, due to the process of developing their understanding of the world, causes them to absorb propaganda indiscriminately. Also, children are highly imitative: studies by Albert Bandura, Dorothea Ross and Sheila A. Ross in the 1960s indicated that, to a degree, socialization, formal education and standardized television programming can be seen as using propaganda for the purpose of indoctrination. The use of propaganda in schools was highly prevalent during the 1930s and 1940s in Germany in the form of the Hitler Youth.

John Taylor Gatto asserts that modern schooling in the USA is designed to 'dumb us down' in order to turn children into material suitable to work in factories. This ties into the Herman & Chomsky thesis of rise of Corporate Power, and its use in creating educational systems which serve its purposes against those of democracy.

Anti-Semitic propaganda for children[edit]

In Nazi Germany, the education system was thoroughly co-opted to indoctrinate the German youth with anti-Semitic ideology. This was accomplished through the National Socialist Teachers League, of which 97% of all German teachers were members in 1937. The League encouraged the teaching of racial theory. Picture books for children such as Don't Trust A Fox in A Green Meadow or The Word of A Jew, Der Giftpilz (translated into English as The Poisonous Mushroom) and The Poodle-Pug-Dachshund-Pincher were widely circulated (over 100,000 copies of Don't Trust A Fox... were circulated during the late 1930s) and contained depictions of Jews as devils, child molesters and other morally charged figures. Slogans such as 'Judas the Jew betrayed Jesus the German to the Jews' were recited in class.^[53] The following is an example of a propagandistic math problem recommended by the National Socialist Essence of Education: 'The Jews are aliens in Germany—in 1933 there were 66,606,000 inhabitants in the German Reich, of whom 499,682 (.75%) were Jews.'^[54]

References[edit]

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^ ^a^b^c^d^eDiggs-Brown, Barbara (2011) Strategic Public Relations: Audience Focused Practice p. 48
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^Cole, Richard G, 1975, 'The Reformation in Print: German Pamphlets and Propaganda. Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte – Archive for Reformation History', Pg. 93–102
^Robert Ensor in David Thomson, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History: volume XII The Era of Violence 1890–1945 (1st edition 1960), p 84.
^Fox, J. C., 2007, 'Film propaganda in Britain and Nazi Germany : World War II cinema.', Oxford:Berg.
^Philip M. Taylor, 1990, 'Munitions of the mind: A history of propaganda”, Pg. 170.
^'Calling Mr. Smith – LUX'.
^'Calling Mr Smith – Centre Pompidou'.
^'Franciszka and Stefan Themerson: Calling Mr. Smith (1943) – artincinema'. 21 June 2015.
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^[1] Vietnamese propaganda reflections from 1945 to 2000
^'Serbian Propaganda: A Closer Look'. 12 April 1999. NOAH ADAMS: The European Center for War, Peace and the News Media, based in London, has received word from Belgrade that no pictures of mass Albanian refugees have been shown at all, and that the Kosovo humanitarian catastrophe is only referred to as the one made up or over-emphasised by Western propaganda.
^pp. 260–261, 'The Function of the Propagandist', International Journal of Ethics, 38 (no. 3): pp. 258–268.
^p. 113, Party and Pressure Politics, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1949.
^Briant, Emma, L (2015) Propaganda and Counter-terrorism: Strategies for Global Change, Manchester: Manchester University Press p 9 & Taylor, Phil M. (2002), ‘Debate: Strategic Communications or Democratic Propaganda?’, in Journalism Studies, Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 437–452.
^Briant, Emma, L (2015) Propaganda and Counter-terrorism: Strategies for Global Change, Manchester: Manchester University Press
^Doob, L.W. (1949), Public Opinion and Propaganda, London: Cresset Press p 240
^Briant, Emma, L (2015) Propaganda and Counter-terrorism: Strategies for Global Change, Manchester: Manchester University Press p 9
^Daniel J Schwindt, The Case Against the Modern World: A Crash Course in Traditionalist Thought, 2016, pp. 202–204.
^Richard Alan Nelson, A Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States (1996) pp. 232–233
^Zeman, Zbynek (1978). Selling the War. Orbis Publishing. ISBN978-0-85613-312-1.
^Oberman, Heiko Augustinus (1 January 1994). The Impact of the Reformation: Essays. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN9780802807328 – via Google Books.
^Luther's Last Battles: Politics And Polemics 1531-46 By Mark U. Edwards, Jr. Fortress Press, 2004. ISBN978-0-8006-3735-4
^In Latin, the title reads 'Hic oscula pedibus papae figuntur'
^'Nicht Bapst: nicht schreck uns mit deim ban, Und sey nicht so zorniger man. Wir thun sonst ein gegen wehre, Und zeigen dirs Bel vedere'
^Mark U. Edwards, Jr., Luther's Last Battles: Politics And Polemics 1531-46 (2004), p. 199
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^'Polish Anti-Cult Movement (Koscianska) – CESNUR'. Retrieved 4 December 2005.
^North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Nato Standardization Agency Aap-6 – Glossary of terms and definitions, p 188.
^Callanan, James D. The Evolution of The CIA's Covert Action Mission, 1947–1963. Durham University. 1999.
^Karel C. Berkhoff, Motherland in Danger: Soviet Propaganda during World War II (2012) excerpt and text search
^Zhores A. Medvedev and (2003). The Unknown Stalin. p. 248. ISBN9781860647680.
^'International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights'. United Nations Human Rights: Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. United Nations. Retrieved 2 September 2015.
^Gustave Gilbert's Nuremberg Diary(1947). In an interview with Gilbert in Göring's jail cell during the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials (18 April 1946)
^Hindery, Roderick R., Indoctrination and Self-deception or Free and Critical Thought? (2001)
^Briant (April 2015). 'Allies and Audiences Evolving Strategies in Defense and Intelligence Propaganda'. The International Journal of Press/Politics. 20 (2): 145–165. doi:10.1177/1940161214552031.
^Briant, Emma (2015). Propaganda and Counter-terrorism: strategies for global change. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
^'Smith-Mundt Act'. 'Anti-Propaganda' Ban Repealed, Freeing State Dept. To Direct Its Broadcasting Arm at American Citizens. Techdirt. Retrieved 1 June 2016.
^Garth S. Jowett and Victoria J.: O'Donnell, Propaganda & Persuasion (5th ed. 2011)
^North Korea’s America-hating postage stamps are mini masterpieces of anti-imperialist propaganda
^Stalin on Stamps and other Philatelic Materials:Design, Propaganda, Politics
^Propaganda and Espionage Philately
^10 WWII Stamp Forgeries Used as Psychological Warfare
^Biddle, William W. A psychological definition of propaganda. The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol 26(3), Oct 1931, 283–295.
^'Letter from Noam Chomsky' to Covert Action Quarterly, quoting Alex Carey, Australian social scientist, 'Letter from Noam Chomsky'. Archived from the original on 10 July 2012. Retrieved 1 April 2007.Cite uses deprecated parameter deadurl= (help)
^'Review of Alex Carey, Taking the Risk out of Democracy: Propaganda in the US and Australia'. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
^Mills, Mary. 'Propaganda and Children During the Hitler Years'. Jewish Virtual Library. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Holocaust/propchil.html
^Hirsch, Herbert. Genocide and the Politics of Memory. Chapel Hill & London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. p. 119.

Sources[edit]

'Appendix I: PSYOP Techniques'. Psychological Operations Field Manual No. 33-1. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Army. 31 August 1979. Archived from the original on 24 May 2001.Cite uses deprecated parameter deadurl= (help)CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
Bytwerk, Randall L. (2004). Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. ISBN978-0-87013-710-5.
Edwards, John Carver (1991). Berlin Calling: American Broadcasters in Service to the Third Reich. New York: Praeger. ISBN978-0-275-93905-2.
Hindery, Roderick. 'The Anatomy of Propaganda within Religious Terrorism'. Humanist (March–April 2003): 16–19.
Howe, Ellic (1982). The Black Game: British Subversive Operations Against the German During the Second World War. London: Futura.
Huxley, Aldous (1958). Brave New World Revisited. New York: Harper. ISBN978-0-06-080984-3.
Jowett, Garth S.; O'Donnell, Victoria (2006). Propaganda and Persuasion (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, Inc. ISBN978-1-4129-0897-9.
Le Bon, Gustave (1895). The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind. ISBN978-0-14-004531-4.
Linebarger, Paul M. A. (1948). Psychological Warfare. Washington, D.C.: Infantry Journal Press. ISBN978-0-405-04755-8.
Nelson, Richard Alan (1996). A Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN978-0-313-29261-3.
Shirer, William L. (1942). Berlin Diary: The Journal of a Foreign Correspondent, 1934–1941. New York: Albert A. Knopf. ISBN978-5-9524-0081-8.
Young, Emma (10 October 2001). 'Psychological warfare waged in Afghanistan'. New Scientist. Archived from the original on 13 February 2002. Retrieved 5 August 2010.

Bernays in 1917
Born	November 22, 1891 Vienna, Austria-Hungary
Died	March 9, 1995 (aged 103)
Occupation	Public relations, advertising
Notable work	Crystallizing Public Opinion (1923), Propaganda (1928), Public Relations (1945), The Engineering of Consent (1955)
Spouse(s)	Doris E. Fleischman
Children	Doris Held^[2], Anne Bernays
Parent(s)	Ely Bernays Anna Freud
Relatives	Martha Bernays (aunt) Sigmund Freud (uncle) Isaac Bernays (great-grandfather)

Family and education[edit]

Edward Bernays was born to a Jewish family,^[7] the son of Ely Bernays and Anna Freud Bernays. His great grandfather was Isaac Bernays, chief rabbi of Hamburg. Bernays was a 'double nephew' of Viennese psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud—by virtue of his mother, Freud's sister, and of his father's sister, Martha Bernays Freud, who married Sigmund.

The Bernays family moved from Vienna to the United States in the 1890s. Ely Bernays became a grain exporter at the Manhattan Produce Exchange, then sent for his wife and children.^[8]

In 1892, his family moved to New York City, where he attended DeWitt Clinton High School.^[9] In 1912 he graduated from Cornell University with a degree in agriculture, but chose journalism as his first career.^[10]

He married Doris E. Fleischman in 1922.^[11] Fleischman, a member of the Lucy Stone League, was public about keeping her last name, and her husband not only sanctioned but touted this fact. She was the first married woman to be issued a US passport without her husband's last name. Later, however, she changed her mind and her name, becoming Doris Bernays. By all accounts, Fleischman played a major though quiet role in the Bernays public relations business—including ghost-writing numerous memos and speeches, and publishing a newsletter.^[12]

Career[edit]

After graduating from Cornell, Bernays wrote for the National Nurseryman journal. Then he worked at the New York City Produce Exchange, where his father was a grain exporter. He went to Paris and worked for Louis Dreyfus and Company reading grain cables. By December of the same year^{[clarification needed]} he had returned to New York.^[10]

Medical editor[edit]

Following a meeting in New York with school friend Fred Robinson, Bernays became coeditor of Medical Review of Reviews and Dietetic and Hygienic Gazette in 1912. They took editorial positions in favor of showers and against corsets and distributed free copies to thousands of physicians across the country.^[13]

Two months later they took up the cause of Damaged Goods, an English translation of Les Avariés by Eugène Brieux. After publishing a positive review of the play, Bernays and Robinson wrote to its lead actor, Richard Bennett: 'The editors of the Medical Review of Reviews support your praiseworthy intention to fight sex-pruriency in the United States by producing Brieux's play Damaged Goods. You can count on our help.^[14] The play controversially dealt with venereal disease and prostitution—Bernays called it 'a propaganda play that fought for sex education.'^[15] He created the 'Medical Review of Reviews Sociological Fund Committee' and successfully solicited the support of such elite figures as John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Eleanor Roosevelt, Reverend John Haynes Holmes, and Anne Harriman Sands Rutherford Vanderbilt, wife of William Kissam Vanderbilt.^[16]^[17]

Press agent[edit]

After his foray into the world of theater, Bernays worked as a creative press agent for various performers and performances. Already, he was using a variety of techniques which would become hallmarks of his later practice. He promoted the Daddy Long Legs stage play by tying it in with the cause of charity for orphans. To create interest in Diaghilev's Ballets Russes, he educated Americans about the subtleties of ballet—and publicized a picture of Flore Revalles, wearing a tight-fitting dress, at the Bronx Zoo, posed with a large snake. He built up Enrico Caruso as an idol whose voice was so sensitive that comically extreme measures were taken to protect it.^[18]

World War I[edit]

After the US entered the war, the Committee on Public Information hired Bernays to work for its Bureau of Latin-American Affairs, based in an office in New York. Bernays, along with Lieutenant F. E. Ackerman, focused on building support for war, domestically and abroad, focusing especially on businesses operating in Latin America.^[19]^[20] Bernays referred to this work as 'psychological warfare'.^[21]^[22]

After fighting ended, Bernays was part of a sixteen-person publicity group working for the CPI at the Paris Peace Conference. A scandal arose from his reference to propaganda in a press release. As reported by the New York World, the 'announced object of the expedition is 'to interpret the work of the Peace Conference by keeping up a worldwide propaganda to disseminate American accomplishments and ideals.'^[23]^[24]

Bernays later described a realization that his work for the CPI could also be used in peacetime:

There was one basic lesson I learned in the CPI—that efforts comparable to those applied by the CPI to affect the attitudes of the enemy, of neutrals, and people of this country could be applied with equal facility to peacetime pursuits. In other words, what could be done for a nation at war could be done for organizations and people in a nation at peace.^[25]

Counsel on public relations[edit]

After returning to New York, Bernays opened a public relations business. In 1923 he published a book, 'Crystallizing Public Opinion', outlining his profession, and taught a course at New York University. Both of these are considered firsts in the modern field of public relations.

Bernays, who pursued his calling in New York City from 1919 to 1963, styled himself a 'public relations counsel'. He had very pronounced views on the differences between what he did and what people in advertising did. A pivotal figure in the orchestration of elaborate corporate advertising campaigns and multi-media consumer spectacles, he nevertheless is among those listed in the acknowledgments section of the seminal government social science study 'Recent Social Trends in the United States' (1933).^[26]

Notable clients and campaigns[edit]

Bernays's famous corporate clients included Procter & Gamble, the American Tobacco Company, Cartier Inc., Best Foods, CBS, the United Fruit Company, General Electric, Dodge Motors, the fluoridationists of the Public Health Service, Knox-Gelatin, and innumerable other big names.

Bernays attempted to help Venida hair nets company to get women to wear their hair longer so they would use hairnets more. The campaign failed but did get government officials to require hairnets for some jobs.

Bernays worked with Procter & Gamble for Ivory-brand bar soap. The campaign successfully convinced people that Ivory soap was medically superior to other soaps. He also promoted soap through sculpting contests and floating contests because the soap floated better than competing products.

Bernays used his uncle Sigmund Freud's ideas to help convince the public, among other things, that bacon and eggs was the true all-American breakfast.^[27]

In the 1930s, his Dixie Cup campaign was designed to convince consumers that only disposable cups were sanitary by linking the imagery of an overflowing cup with subliminal images of vaginas and venereal disease.^[28]

He was publicity director for the 1939 New York World's Fair.^[29]

Another selection from his papers, the Typescript on Publicizing the Physical Culture Industry, 1927: 'Bernarr Macfadden', reveals Bernays' opinion of the leader of the physical culture movement. Yet another client, department store visionary Edward A. Filene, was the subject of the Typescript on a Boston Department Store Magnate. Bernays' Typescript on the Importance of Samuel Strauss: '1924 – Private Life' shows that the public relations counsel and his wife were fans of consumerism critic Samuel Strauss.^{[citation needed]}

Light's Golden Jubilee[edit]

In October 1929, Bernays was involved in promoting Light's Golden Jubilee. The event, which spanned across several major cities in the US, was designed to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Thomas Edison's invention of the light-bulb (though the light-bulb had been previously invented by Joseph Swan). The publicity elements of the Jubilee – including the special issuance of a US postage stamp and Edison's 're-creating' the invention of the light bulb for a nationwide radio audience – provided evidence of Bernays' love for big ideas and 'ballyhoo'. A follow-up event for the 75th anniversary, produced for television by David O. Selznick, was titled Light's Diamond Jubilee and broadcast on all four American TV networks on October 24, 1954.

Political clients[edit]

In 1924 Bernays set up a vaudeville 'pancake breakfast' for Calvin Coolidge to change his stuffy image before the 1924 election. Entertainers including Al Jolson, John Drew, Raymond Hitchcock, and the Dolly Sisters performed on the White House lawn. The event was widely reported by American newspapers, with The New York Times running the story under the headline 'President Nearly Laughs.'^[30]

A desperate Herbert Hoover consulted with Bernays a month before the 1932 presidential election. Bernays advised Hoover to create disunity within his opposition and to present an image of himself as an invincible leader.^[31]

Bernays advised William O'Dwyer, in his candidacy for Mayor of New York City, on how to appear in front of different demographics. For example, he should tell Irish voters about his actions against the Italian mafia—and Italian voters about his plans to reform the police department. To Jews he should appear as a committed opponent of the Nazis.^[32]

He helped to name the President's Emergency Committee for Employment, suggesting this name as preferable to the 'Committee for Unemployment'.^[33]

During World War II, Bernays advised the United States Information Agency as well as the Army and Navy. He was chairman of the National Advisory Committee of the Third US War Loan, co-chairman of the Victory Book campaign, and part of the New York State Defense Council.^[33]

In the 1950s, some of his ideas and vision helped portray India as the most democratic republic in Asia by having the People's Congress of India adapt a Bill of Rights. Freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, and freedom of petition were added to the Constitution of India.^{[citation needed]}

Bernays reported turning down the Nazis, Nicaragua under the Somoza family, Francisco Franco, and Richard Nixon.^[34]

Non-profit clients[edit]

In 1920 Bernays worked on the first NAACP convention in Atlanta, Georgia. His campaign was considered successful because there was no violence at the convention. His campaign focused on the important contributions of African-Americans to Whites living in the South. He later received an award from the NAACP for his contribution.

Bernays also worked on behalf of many non-profit institutions and organizations. These included, to name just a few, the Committee on Publicity Methods in Social Work (1926–1927), the Jewish Mental Health Society (1928), the Book Publishers Research Institute (1930–1931), the New York Infirmary for Women and Children (1933), the Committee for Consumer Legislation (1934), the Friends of Danish Freedom and Democracy (1940),^[35]^[36]^[37] the Citywide Citizens' Committee on Harlem (1942), and the National Multiple Sclerosis Society (1954–1961).

Freud[edit]

In 1920, Bernays organized the publication of Freud's Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis in the US, sending royalty money back to his uncle in Vienna. Freud turned down further offers at promotion, such as a possible lecture tour and an invitation to write 3,000-word newspaper columns, for $1,000 each, on topics such as 'The Wife's Mental Place in the Home' and 'What a Child Thinks About.'^[38]

'When a person would first meet Bernays,' says Scott Cutlip, 'it would not be long until Uncle Sigmund would be brought into the conversation. His relationship with Freud was always in the forefront of his thinking and his counseling.' According to Irwin Ross, another writer, 'Bernays liked to think of himself as a kind of psychoanalyst to troubled corporations.' In addition to publicizing Freud's ideas, Bernays used his association with Freud to establish his own reputation as a thinker and theorist.

Tobacco[edit]

In 1927, Bernays worked briefly for Liggett and Myers, makers of Chesterfield cigarettes. He pulled a stunt against the competing brand, Lucky Strike, which involved mocking the endorsements of opera singers who said Lucky Strikes were 'kind to your voice'. George Washington Hill, head of the American Tobacco Company, which made Lucky Strike, promptly hired Bernays away from Liggett and Myers.^[39]

'Girl in Red' advertisement for Lucky Strike; shot by Nickolas Muray, a photographer enlisted by Bernays to help popularize feminine thinness and cigarette smoking.^[40]

When he started working for American Tobacco Company, Bernays was given the objective of increasing Lucky Strike sales among women, who, for the most part, had formerly avoided smoking. The first strategy was to persuade women to smoke cigarettes instead of eating. Bernays began by promoting the ideal of thinness itself, using photographers, artists, newspapers, and magazines to promote the special beauty of thin women. Medical authorities were found to promote the choice of cigarettes over sweets. Home-makers were cautioned that keeping cigarettes on hand was a social necessity.^[40]

Torches of Freedom[edit]

The first campaign succeeded; women smoked more cigarettes; American Tobacco Company brought in more revenue; and Lucky Strike led the market in growth. But a taboo remained on women smoking in public. Bernays consulted with psychoanalyst Abraham Brill , a student of Freud's, who reported to him that cigarettes represented 'torches of freedom' for women whose feminine desires were increasingly suppressed by their role in the modern world.^[41] Bernays organized a contingent of women to smoke cigarettes—'torches of freedom'—at the 1929 Easter Sunday parade in New York. The event was carefully scripted to promote the intended message. Bernays wrote:^[42]

Because it should appear as news with no division of the publicity, actresses should be definitely out. On the other hand, if young women who stand for feminism—someone from the Women's Party, say—could be secured, the fact that the movement would be advertised too, would not be bad. . . . While they should be goodlooking, they should not be too 'model-y.' Three for each church covered should be sufficient. Of course they are not to smoke simply as they come down the church steps. They are to join in the Easter parade, puffing away.

The march went as planned, as did the ensuing publicity, with ripples of women smoking prominently across the country.^[43]^[44]

Green Ball[edit]

In 1934, Bernays was asked to deal with women's apparent reluctance to buy Lucky Strikes because their green and red package clashed with standard female fashions. When Bernays suggested changing the package to a neutral color, Hill refused, saying that he had already spent millions advertising the package. Bernays then endeavored to make green a fashionable color.^[45]

The centerpiece of his efforts was the Green Ball, a social event at the Waldorf Astoria, hosted by Narcissa Cox Vanderlip. The pretext for the ball and its unnamed underwriter was that proceeds would go to charity. Famous society women would attend wearing green dresses. Manufacturers and retailers of clothing and accessories were advised of the excitement growing around the color green. Intellectuals were enlisted to give highbrow talks on the theme of green. Before the ball had actually taken place, newspapers and magazines (encouraged in various ways by Bernays's office) had latched on to the idea that green was all the rage.^[46]

Modus operandi[edit]

Throughout the job, Bernays concealed the fact that he was working for the American Tobacco Company, and in fact succeeded in keeping his own name out of the affair as well. Staff were instructed never to mention his name. Third parties were used, and various notable people received payments to promote smoking publicly as if on their own initiative.^[47] (Decades later, however, Bernays boasted about his role.)^[48]

Bernays didn't smoke cigarettes himself, and persistently tried to induce his wife Doris to quit.^[49] After his semi-retirement in the 1960s, he worked with the pro-health anti-smoking lawyer John Banzhaf's group, ASH, and supported other anti-smoking campaigns.^{[citation needed]}

United Fruit and Guatemala[edit]

The United Fruit Company (today's Chiquita Brands International) hired Bernays in the early 1940s for the purpose of promoting banana sales within the United States. Promote them he did, by linking bananas to good health and to American interests, and by placing them strategically in the hands of celebrities, in hotels, and other conspicuous places. Bernays also argued that United Fruit needed to put a positive spin on the banana-growing countries themselves, and for this purpose created a front group called the Middle America Information Bureau, which supplied information to journalists and academics.^[50]

United Fruit shut down the Middle America Information Bureau in 1948 under the new presidency of Thomas Dudley Cabot. Bernays resented this change but stayed on with the company, for a reported annual fee of more than $100,000.^[51] Bernays worked on the national press and successfully drummed up coverage of Guatemala's Communist menace.^[52]

The company became alarmed about the political situation in Guatemala after Jacobo Árbenz Guzman became president in March 1951. On March 21, 1951, Bernays told United Fruit's head of publicity, Edmund Whitman, that Guatemala could reprise Iran's recent nationalization of British Petroleum:

We recommend that immediate steps be undertaken to safeguard American business interests in Latin American countries against comparable action there. News knows no boundaries today. . . . To disregard the possibilities of the impact of events one upon another is to adopt a head-in-the-sand-ostrich policy.

Edward Bernays Pdf

He recommended a campaign in which universities, lawyers, and the US government would all condemn expropriation as immoral and illegal; the company should use media pressure 'to induce the President and State Department to issue a policy pronouncement comparable to the Monroe Doctrine concerning expropriation.' In the following months, The New York Times, the New York Herald Tribune, Time, Newsweek, and the Atlantic Monthly had all published articles describing the threat of Communism in Guatemala. A Bernays memo in July 1951 recommended that this wave of media attention should be translated into action by promoting:

(a) a change in present U.S. ambassadorial and consular representation, (b) the imposition of congressional sanctions in this country against government aid to pro-Communist regimes, (c) U.S. government subsidizing of research by disinterested groups like the Brookings Institution into various phases of the problem.^[53]

Per Bernays's strategy, United Fruit distributed favorable articles and an anonymous Report on Guatemala to every member of Congress and to national 'opinion molders'.^[54]^[55] They also published a weekly Guatemala Newsletter and sent it to 250 journalists, some of whom used it as a source for their reporting.^[55]Bernays formed close relationships with journalists including The New York Times reporter Will Lissner at and columnist Walter Winchell.^[52]^[53] In January 1952 he brought a cohort of journalists from various notable newspapers on a tour of Guatemala, sponsored by the company. This technique proved highly effective and was repeated four more times.^[55]In June, 1954, the US Central Intelligence Agency effected a coup d'état code-named Operation PBSUCCESS. The CIA backed a minimal military force, fronted by Carlos Castillo Armas, with a psychological warfare campaign to portray military defeat as a foregone conclusion. During the coup itself, Bernays was the primary supplier of information for the international newswiresAssociated Press, United Press International and the International News Service.^[56]^[57]

Following the coup, Bernays built up the image of Guatemala's new president Carlos Castillo Armas, giving advice for his public appearances both in Guatemala and in the US. In 1956, Bernays produced a pamphlet comparing the Communist way and the Christian way.^[58]

In 1959, United Fruit dispensed with all external advisors including Bernays.^[59]

Techniques[edit]

Third parties[edit]

Bernays argued that the covert use of third parties was morally legitimate because those parties were morally autonomous actors.^[60]

If you can influence the leaders, either with or without their conscious cooperation, you automatically influence the group which they sway', he said. In order to promote sales of bacon, for example, he conducted research and found that the American public ate very light breakfast of coffee, maybe a roll and orange juice. He went to his physician and found that a heavy breakfast was sounder from the standpoint of health than a light breakfast because the body loses energy during the night and needs it during the day. He asked the physician if he would be willing, at no cost, to write to 5,000 physicians and ask them whether their judgment was the same as his—confirming his judgment. About 4,500 answered back, all concurring that a more significant breakfast was better for the health of the American people than a light breakfast. He arranged for this finding to be published in newspapers throughout the country with headlines like '4,500 physicians urge bigger breakfast' while other articles stated that bacon and eggs should be a central part of breakfast and, as a result of these actions, the sale of bacon went up.^[61]

Describing the response to his campaign for Ivory Soap, Bernays wrote: 'As if actuated by the pressure of a button, people began working for the client instead of the client begging people to buy.'^[62]

Businesses found these covert methods irresistible. Strother Walker and Paul Sklar wrote in Business Finds Its Voice (1938) that Bernays had offered a solution to popular skepticism of business which arose in the depression: better 'to implant an idea in a group leader's mind and let him spread it than to write up an idea and send it to the papers as a release, in the old-fashioned way...'.^[63]

Scientific approach[edit]

Bernays pioneered the public relations industry's use of psychology and other social sciences to design its public persuasion campaigns: 'If we understand the mechanism and motives of the group mind, is it not possible to control and regiment the masses according to our will without their knowing about it? The recent practice of propaganda has proved that it is possible, at least up to a certain point and within certain limits.'^[64] He later called this scientific technique of opinion-molding the engineering of consent.^[65]

Bernays explained in his 1947 essay 'The Engineering of Consent':

This phrase quite simply means the use of an engineering approach—that is, action based only on thorough knowledge of the situation and on the application of scientific principles and tried practices to the task of getting people to support ideas and programs.

Bernays expanded on Walter Lippmann's concept of stereotype, arguing that predictable elements could be manipulated for mass effects:

But instead of a mind, universal literacy has given [the common man] a rubber stamp, a rubber stamp inked with advertising slogans, with editorials, with published scientific data, with the trivialities of tabloids and the profundities of history, but quite innocent of original thought. Each man's rubber stamp is the twin of millions of others, so that when these millions are exposed to the same stimuli, all receive identical imprints. […]

The amazing readiness with which large masses accept this process is probably accounted for by the fact that no attempt is made to convince them that black is white. Instead, their preconceived hazy ideas that a certain gray is almost black or almost white are brought into sharper focus. Their prejudices, notions, and convictions are used as a starting point, with the result that they are drawn by a thread into passionate adherence to a given mental picture.^[66]

Not only psychology but sociology played an important role for the public relations counsel, according to Bernays. The individual is 'a cell organized into the social unit. Touch a nerve at a sensitive spot and you get an automatic response from certain specific members of the organism.' ^[67]

Philosophy[edit]

Bernays' vision was of a utopian society in which individuals' dangerous libidinal energies, the psychic and emotional energy associated with instinctual biological drives that Bernays viewed as inherently dangerous, could be harnessed and channeled by a corporate elite for economic benefit. Through the use of mass production, big business could fulfill the cravings of what Bernays saw as the inherently irrational and desire-driven masses, simultaneously securing the niche of a mass-production economy (even in peacetime), as well as sating what he considered to be dangerous animal urges that threatened to tear society apart if left unquelled.

Bernays touted the idea that the 'masses' are driven by factors outside their conscious understanding, and therefore that their minds can and should be manipulated by the capable few. 'Intelligent men must realize that propaganda is the modern instrument by which they can fight for productive ends and help to bring order out of chaos.'^[68]^[69]^[62]

The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. ...We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smoothly functioning society. ...In almost every act of our daily lives, whether in the sphere of politics or business, in our social conduct or our ethical thinking, we are dominated by the relatively small number of persons...who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses. It is they who pull the wires which control the public mind.

-- Propaganda (1928) pp. 9–10

Propaganda was portrayed as the only alternative to chaos.^[70]

One way Bernays reconciled manipulation with liberalism was his claim that the human masses would inevitably succumb to manipulation—and therefore the good propagandists could compete with the evil, without incurring any marginal moral cost.^[71] In his view, 'the minority which uses this power is increasingly intelligent, and works more and more on behalf of ideas that are socially constructive.'^[72]

Unlike some other early public relations practitioners, Bernays advocated centralization and planning. Marvin Olasky calls his 1945 book Take Your Place at the Peace Table 'a clear appeal for a form of mild corporate socialism.' ^[73]

Bernays also drew on the ideas of the French writer Gustave Le Bon,^[74] the originator of crowd psychology, and of Wilfred Trotter, who promoted similar ideas in the anglophone world in his book Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War.^[75] Bernays refers to these two names in his writings.^{[citation needed]} Trotter, who was a head and neck surgeon at University College Hospital, London, read Freud's works, and it was he who introduced Wilfred Bion, whom he lived and worked with, to Freud's ideas.^{[citation needed]} When Freud fled Vienna for London after the Anschluss, Trotter became his personal physician.^{[citation needed]} Trotter, Wilfred Bion, and Ernest Jones became key members of the Freudian psychoanalysis movement in England.^{[citation needed]} They would develop the field of group dynamics, largely associated with the Tavistock Institute, where many of Freud's followers worked.^{[citation needed]} Thus ideas of group psychology and psychoanalysis came together in London around World War II.^{[citation needed]}

Recognition and legacy[edit]

External video
Discussion with Edward Bernays (age 97) at the American University School of Communications, January 23, 1989, C-SPAN
Discussion of Propaganda with Anne Bernays (daughter of Edward Bernays) and NYU professor Mark Crispin Miller, September 29, 2004, C-SPAN

Much of Bernays' reputation today stems from his persistent public relations campaign to build his own reputation as 'America's No. 1 Publicist'. During his active years, many of his peers in the industry were offended by Bernays' continuous self-promotion. According to Scott Cutlip, 'Bernays was a brilliant person who had a spectacular career, but, to use an old-fashioned word, he was a braggart.'^[76]

Bernays attracted positive and negative attention for his grand statements about the role of public relations in society. Reviewers praised Crystallizing Public Opinion (1923) as a pioneering study of the importance of something called public opinion. Propaganda (1928) drew more criticism for its advocacy of mass manipulation.^[77]

In the 1930s, his critics became more harsh. As the leading figure in public relations and a notorious advocate of 'propaganda', Bernays was compared to European fascists such as Joseph Goebbels and Adolf Hitler.^[78] (Bernays himself wrote in his 1965 autobiography that Goebbels read and used his books.)^[79]

Edward Bernays Public Relations Pdf

Rather than retreating from the spotlight, Bernays continued to play up his ideas—for example, stating in a 1935 speech to the Financial Advertisers Association that strong men (including publicists) should become human symbols to lead the masses.^[80] On other occasions he tempered this message with the idea that, while propaganda is inevitable, the democratic system allows a pluralism of propaganda, while fascist systems offer only a single official propaganda.^[81]

At the same time, Bernays was praised for his apparent success, wisdom, foresight, and influence as an originator of public relations.^[82]

While opinions ranged negative to positive, there was widespread agreement that propaganda had a powerful effect on the public mind.^[83] According to John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton, in a published review of Larry Tye's biography of Bernays:^[84]

It is impossible to fundamentally grasp the social, political, economic and cultural developments of the past 100 years without some understanding of Bernays and his professional heirs in the public relations industry. PR is a 20th-century phenomenon, and Bernays—widely eulogized as the 'father of public relations' at the time of his death in 1995—played a major role in defining the industry's philosophy and methods.

As a result, his legacy remains a highly contested one, as evidenced by Adam Curtis' 2002 BBC documentary The Century of the Self.

Publications[edit]

Books[edit]

The Broadway Anthology (1917, co-author)
Crystallizing Public Opinion (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1923) OCLC215243834
A Public Relations Counsel (1927)
An Outline of Careers: A Practical Guide to Achievement by Thirty-Eight Eminent Americans (1927)
Verdict of Public Opinion on Propaganda (1927)
Propaganda (New York: Horace Liveright. 1928) ISBN978-0-8046-1511-2
This Business of Propaganda (1928)
Universities—Pathfinders in Public Opinion (1937)
Careers for Men: A Practical Guide to Opportunity in Business, Written by Thirty-Eight Successful Americans (1939)
Speak Up for Democracy: What You Can Do—A Practical Plan of Action for Every American Citizen (New York: The Viking Press, 1940)
Future of Private Enterprise in the Post-War World (1942)
Democratic Leadership in Total War (1943)
Psychological Blueprint for the Peace—Canada, U.S.A. (1944)
Public Relations (1945)
Your Place at the Peace Table. What You Can Do to Win a Lasting United Nations Peace (New York: The Gerent Press, 1945)
What the British Think of Us: A Study of British Hostility to America and Americans and Its Motivation, with Recommendations for Improving Anglo-American Relations (1950, co-author with his wife Doris Fleischman)
The Engineering of Consent (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955)(contributor) OCLC550584
Your Future in Public Relations (1961)
Biography of an Idea: Memoirs of Public Relations Counsel (1965)
Case for Reappraisal of U.S. Overseas Information Policies and Programs (Special Study) (1970), by Edward L. Bernays and Burnet Hershey (editors)

Selected articles[edit]

'The Minority Rules', The Bookman, April 1927, pp. 150–155.
'Manipulating Public Opinion: The Why and the How', American Journal of Sociology 33(6), May 1928.
'The Marketing of National Policies: A Study of War Propaganda', Journal of Marketing 6(3), January 1942.
'Attitude Polls—Servants or Masters?', Public Opinion Quarterly 9(3), Autumn 1945.
'The Engineering of Consent', Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 250, March 1947.
'An Educational Program for Unions', Industrial and Labor Relations Review 1(1), October 1947.
'Emergence of the Public Relations Counsel: Principles and Recollections', Business History Review 45(3), Autumn 1971.

References[edit]

^Tye (1998), p. 147. 'Feeling he was too short, at 5 feet 4 inches, Eddie seemed determined to make everything else larger than life. He even inflated his name with an L., a middle initial that was not on his birth record in Vienna. It apparently stood for Louis, although even his daughters aren't sure, since he didn't like to talk about it.
^https://www.nytimes.com/1995/03/10/obituaries/edward-bernays-father-public-relations-leader-opinion-making-dies-103.html
^'Edward Bernays, 'Father of Public Relations' And Leader in Opinion Making, Dies at 103'. The New York Times. March 10, 1995.
^Ewen, Stuart (1996). 'Chapter 1: Visiting Edward Bernays'. PR! A Social History Of Spin – Chapter 1. Basic Books. Archived from the original on 2008-09-05.Cite uses deprecated parameter deadurl= (help)
^Bernays, Edward (1923). Crystallizing Public Opinion. Ig Publishing. ISBN193543926X.
^Bernays, Edward (1928). Propaganda. Ig Publishing. ISBN0970312598.
^Lavin, Maud (July 21, 2002). 'A literary couple's muted memoir of 1950s New York'. Chicago Tribune. Edward and his wife, Doris Fleischman, were nonpracticing, highly assimilated, wealthy German-American Jews, and Anne grew up a self-professed hothouse flower on New York's Upper East Side.
^Tye (1998), p. 115.
^Colford, Paul D. (December 5, 1991). 'A Birthday Salute to the Father of Public Relations'. Newsday (Nassau ed.). Part II p. 78. Retrieved February 24, 2016.
^ ^a^bTye (1998), 4–5.
^Cook, Joan (July 12, 1980). 'Doris Fleischman Bernays Dead; Pioneer Public Relations Counsel'. The New York Times. Metropolitan Report p. 22. Retrieved February 24, 2016.
^Tye (1998), pp. 1–3, 123–124. 'Once she resolved to enter her husband's world of public relations, Doris did play a central role in building the Bernays empire, and when the press dubbed him the prince of publicity she could rightfully claim to be the princess. She made her mark first as a wordsmith, churning out press releases and polished stories on clients ranging from the U.S. War Department to the American Tobacco Company. She also conceived of, wrote, and edited a four-page newsletter called Contact, which reprinted parts of speeches and articles on public relations, sorted through new ideas in the field, and promoted the activities of the Bernays office. And she ghost-wrote scores of speeches and strategy papers that were delivered under her husband's name. It's easy to pick out her writings from among the many papers that Eddie Bernays left behind: they're the ones with rich vocabulary and poetic flourish, free from the more formal style that was his trademark.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 5–6. 'They used the Medical Review to argue against women wearing corsets with stays and to encourage shower baths; they published expert opinions on health controversies, a relatively novel approach; and they distributed free copies to most of the 137,000 licensed physicians in the United States.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 6–7. 'Bennett quickly accepted the offer, pumping up the young editor with visions of a crusade against Victorian mores, promising to recruit actors who would work without pay and prodding him to raise money for the production. Eddie was so excited that he volunteered to underwrite the production.'
^Rampton & Stauber (2001) , p. 44.
^Tye (1998), p. 8. 'The key with Damaged Goods, he realized, was to transform the controversy into a cause and recruit backers who already were public role models. The twenty-one-year-old editor formed a Medical Review of Reviews Sociological Fund Committee, then attracted members with an artful appeal that played on Bennett's reputation as an artist as well as the worthiness of battling prudishness. Among those who signed up were John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Mrs. William K. Vanderbilt Sr., Mr. and Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Dr. William Jay Schieffelin, whose company had recently brought to America a treatment for syphilis, and the Reverent John Haynes Holmes of New York's Unitarian Community Church.'
^Cutlip (1994), p. 162.
^Tye (1998), pp. 9–16.
^Tye (1998), p. 18. 'Finally given his chance to serve, Eddie recruited Ford, International Harvester, and scores of other American firms to distribute literature on U.S. war aims to foreign contacts and post U.S. propaganda on the windows of 650 American offices overseas. He distributed postcards to Italian soldiers at the front so they could boost morale at home, and he planted propaganda behind the German lines to sow dissent. He organized rallies at Carnegie Hall featuring freedom fighters from Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other states that were anxious to break free of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. And to counter German propaganda he had American propaganda printed in Spanish and Portuguese and inserted into export journals sent across Latin America.
'In short, he helped win America over to an unpopular war using precisely the techniques he'd used to promote Daddy Long Legs and the Ballet Russe.'
^James R. Mock, 'The Creel Committee in Latin America', The Hispanic American Historical Review 22(2), May 1942, p. 276. 'Another section of the New York office, however, was especially concerned with publicity channels and publicity for the nations south of us. This was the division known as the Bureau of Latin-American Affairs, with Edward L. Bernays and Lieutenant F. E. Ackerman playing possibly the leading roles. That organization appealed especially to American firms doing business in Latin America, and secured their cooperation. In addition to means already cited, this section utilized various kinds of educators, especially as a medium of distributing pamphlets.'
^Ewen (1996), pp. 162–163. 'During the war years, Bernays joined the army of publicists rallied under the banner of the CPI and concentrated on propaganda efforts aimed at Latin American business interests. Within this vast campaign of 'psychological warfare', as he described it, Bernays—like others of his generation—began to develop an expanded sense of publicity and its practical uses.'
^Alan Axelrod, Selling the Great War: The Making of American Propaganda; New York: Palgrave Macmillan (St. Martin's Press), 2009; ISBN978-0-230-60503-9; p. 200.
^Tye (1998), p. 19.
^Cutlip (1994), p. 165. 'Bernays' release announced that the Official Press Mission to the Peace Conference was leaving the next day for Paris and instead of the narrow technical press support mission Creel had defined for the group, Bernays inserted this sentence: 'The announced object of the expedition is to interpret the work of the Peace Conference by keeping up a worldwide propaganda to disseminate American accomplishments and ideals.' Two days later, the New York World headlined the story: 'TO INTERPRET AMERICAN IDEALS.' George Creel was furious; already in a battle with Congress, Creel knew that this would add fat to the fire. He disavowed the story. Nonetheless, it hastened the demise of the CPI.'
^Cutlip (1994), p. 168.
^President's Research Committee on Social Trends (1933). Recent Social Trends in the United States. Internet Archive. McGraw-Hill Book Company.
^Alix Spiegel. Freud's Nephew and the Origins of Public Relations, Morning Edition, 2005-04-22
^Alan Bilton (2013). Silent Film Comedy and American Culture. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 16. ISBN978-1-137-02025-3.
^See 'The New York world's fair, a symbol for democracy', address by Bernays to the Merchant's Association of New York, 7 April 1937.
^Tye (1998), pp 77–79. See 'Breakfast With Coolidge' typescript, prepared 8 February 1962.
^Tye (1988), pp. 79– 80.
^Tye (1998), pp. 81–83.
^ ^a^bTye (1998), p. 84–85.
^Tye (1998), p. 89.
^Bernays, Edward L. (1965). Biography of an idea: memoirs of public relations counsel. Simon and Schuster. p. 606. I offered to help organize the Friends of Danish Freedom and Democracy, made up for the most part of Americans of Danish ...
^Hasselriis, Caspar Henrik Wolffsen (1959). Helligdag: erindringer (in Danish). Udgivet af Dansk samvirke hos E. Munksgaard. p. 143. ... at han vilde engagere den kendte Public Relations Ekspert Edward L. Bernays til at være Raadgiver. ... Resultatet blev Dannelsen af 'American Friends of Danish Freedom and Democracy', et Navn foreslaaet af Mr. Bernays, som mente, ...
^Jensen, Mette Bastholm; Jensen, Steven L. B. (2003). Denmark and the Holocaust. Institute for International Studies, Department for Holocaust and Genocide Studies. ISBN978-87-989305-1-8. The 'Father of Public Relations and Spin' and nephew of Sigmund Freud Edward L. Bernays (1890–1995), was also hired by the Friends of Danish Freedom and Democracy as a ...
^Tye (1998), pp. 185–190.
^Tye (1998), 35–36.
^ ^a^bTye (1998), p. 23–26. 'Bernays launched the campaign against sweets with his tried-and-true tactic of enlisting 'experts,' in this case convincing Nickolas Muray, a photographer friend, to ask other photographers and artists to sing praises of the thin. 'I have come to the conclusion,' Muray wrote, 'that the slender woman who, combining suppleness and grace with slenderness, who instead of overeating sweets and deserts, lights a cigarette, as the advertisements say, has created a new standard of female loveliness. . . . I am interested in knowing if my own judgment concurs with that of others, and should be most happy to have your opinion on the subject.'
^Tye (1998), p. 27–28. 'Bernays understood they were up against a social taboo that cast doubt on the character of women who smoked, but he wasn't sure of the basis of the inhibition or how it could be overcome. So he got Hill to agree to pay for a consultation with Dr. A. A. Brill, a psychoanalyst and disciple of Bernays's uncle, Dr. Sigmund Freud.
'It is perfectly normal for women to want to smoke cigarettes,' Brill advised. 'The emancipation of women has suppressed many of their feminine deisres. More women now do the same work as men do. Many women bear no children; those who do bear have fewer children. Feminine traits are masked. Cigarettes, which are equated with men, become torches of freedom.'
'That rang a bell for Bernays. Why not organize a parade of prominent women lighting their 'torches of freedom'? And do it on Easter Sunday, a holiday symbolizing freedom of spirit, on Fifth Avenue, America's most prestigious promenade?'
^Tye (1998), p. 29.
^Tye (1998), pp. 30–31. 'The actual march went off more smoothly than even its scriptwriters imagined. Ten young women turned out, marching down Fifth Avenue with their lighted 'torches of freedom,' and the newspapers loved it.
[…] Miss Hunt issued the following communiqué from the smoke-clouded battlefield: 'I hope that we have started something and that these torches of freedom, with no particular brand favored, will smash the discriminatory taboo on cigarettes for women and that our sex will go on breaking down all discriminations.'
Go on they did. During the following days women were reported to be taking to the streets, lighted cigarettes in hand, in Boston and Detroit, Wheeling and San Francisco.'
^'Group of Girls Puff at Cigarettes as a Gesture of ‘Freedom’' (part of a headline), The New York Times, 1 April 1929.
^Tye (1998), p. 38.
^Tye (1998), p. 39. 'Vogelman signed up and invited fashion editors to the Waldorf for a Green Fashions Fall Luncheon with, of course, green menus featuring green beans, asparagus-tip salad, broiled French lamb chops with haricots verts and olivette potatoes, pistachio mousse glacé, green mints, and crème de menthe. The head of the Hunter College art department gave a talk entitled 'Green in the Work of Great Artists,' and a noted psychologist enlightened guests on the psychological implications of the color green. The press took note, with the New York Sun headline reading, 'It looks like a Green Winter.' The Post predicted a 'Green Autumn,' and one of the wire services wrote about 'fall fashions stalking the forests for their color note, picking green as the modish fall wear.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 31–32. 'One way he found citizens and specialists was by offering money. Sometimes it came as an honorarium, like the $100 he proposed paying 'a dietician [who] talks on diet as the best means to produce moderate curves' and a 'physiologist induced to comment on benefits of modern trend to reasonable figure.' Then there was the $5000 he offered to donate to the favorite charity of Mrs. Charles Dana Gibson, wife of the creator of the renowned Gibson Girl illustrations, if she would agree to sign a statement saying 'she smoked Luckies and that they were kind to her throat.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 33–34. 'If he began by disguising his role in the battle to get women smoking, Bernays more than made up for that in later years. The parade story in particular became part of his repertoire on the speaking circuit and in scores of interviews until his death in 1995, and with each retelling the tale got more colorful and his claims more sweeping. In his 1965 memoirs, for instance, he discussed the slow process of breaking down conventions like the taboo against women smoking. But by 1971 he was telling an oral historian at Columbia University that 'overnight the taboo was broken by one overt act,' the 1929 Easter Sunday march.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 27, 48. 'Whatever his attitude in public, at home he did all he could to persuade his wife, Doris, to give up her pack-a-day habit.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 160–164. Tye notes: 'The bureau even renamed the region, explaining that 'Middle America' was 'a rational and timely expansion of the phrase 'Central America,' which by long usage includes only the republics of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Panama, and the colony of British Honduras.' Middle America would include those countries, along with Mexico and the Caribbean island republics of Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic.'
^Tye (1998), pp. 164–165. Tye's source for Bernays's $100,000 fee is probably Thomas McCann, whom he quotes on p. 178 as saying: 'My estimate is we were spending in excess of $100,000 a year for Edward L. Bernays, just for his consulting services, which was an enormous amount of money in 1952.'
^ ^a^bRichard H. Immerman, The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention; University of Texas Press, 1982; ninth printing, 2004; ISBN0-292-71083-6; pp. 112–114.
^ ^a^bTye (1998), p. 167–170.
^Tye (1998), p. 175.
^ ^a^b^cJohn Kirch, 'Covering a Coup: The American Press and Guatemala in 1954Archived 2012-06-23 at the Wayback Machine', Paper presented at AEJMC National Convention, Washington DC; August 2007.
^Étienne Dasso, 'Aux origines du coup d’État de 1954 au Guatemala : le rôle de la United Fruit Company dans la préparation du soulèvement contre Jacobo Arbenz', L'Ordinaire des Amériques 210 (2010), pp. 175–192.
^Tye (1998), p. 176. 'His Library of Congress files show he remained a key source of information for the press, especially the liberal press, right through the takeover. In fact, as the invasion was commencing on June 18, his papers indicate hew as giving the 'first news anyone received on the situation' to the Associated Press, United Press, the International News Service, and The New York Times, with contacts intensifying over the next several days.'
^Tye (1998), p. 179. 'And in 1956 Bernays came up with the idea of widely disseminating a comparison of the teachings of the Communists with those of the church. 'Hate is the driving force of communism,' the report concluded, whereas 'charity is the impelling motive of Christianity.' And under communism 'there is no moral law' and 'no personal liberty,' whereas in Christianity 'the moral law is the way which man is created to follow' and 'free will means liberty is possible, the liberty of the sons of God to do the right.'
^Tye (1998), p. 180.
^Marks (1957), p. 82. 'Bernays once spoke directly to the question of the ethics of a propagandist's speaking through a 'front.' There is no evidence that, at the time, he convinced anyone; but his position is worth considering as contrast to the prevailing judgment. While he readily admitted that a propagandist may not ethically buy the cooperation of a third party, he argued that it is perfectly legitimate for him to enlist the aid of a third party and conceal the relationship. The third party becomes a new advocate, not a subsidiary of the first. He continued:
That individual or organization may then propagandize it [the original client's point of view] through its own channels because it is interested in it. In such a case, the point of origin then becomes that individual or organization. The public relations counsel, having made the link between the interest of his client and the interest of the third party, no longer need figure in the resulting expression to the public. [Bernays, 'This Business of Propaganda,' p. 199.]
^'Edward L. Bernays tells the story of making bacon & eggs all-American Breakfast'.
^ ^a^bMarks (1957), p. 73.
^Quoted in Olasky (1984), p. 10.
^Bernays, Edward (2005) [1928]. Propaganda. Brooklyn, N.Y: Ig Pub. p. 47. ISBN0970312598.
^Bernays, Edward L. (March 1947). 'The Engineering of Consent'(PDF). Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 250 (1): 113–20 at p. 114. doi:10.1177/000271624725000116. ISSN0002-7162. Archived from the original(PDF) on August 13, 2012. Retrieved February 24, 2016. Any person or organization depends ultimately on public approval, and is therefore faced with the problem of engineering the public's consent to a program or goal.Cite uses deprecated parameter dead-url= (help)
^Bernays, 'The Minority Rules' (1927), pp. 150, 151; cited in Marks (1957), p. 116.
^Bernays, Propaganda (book) (1928), p. 28; quoted in Olasky (1985), p. 20.
^Bernays, Propaganda (book) (1928), p. 159. Quoted in Olasky (1984), p. 3.
^Olasky (1985), p. 17. '… his belief that behind-the-scenes controllers should exercise 'social responsibility' by devising clever public relations campaigns to direct 'human herds' into appropriate corals.'
^Olasky (1985), p. 19.; Olasky (1984), p. 19, f. 40. 'Bernays emphasized that in a large scale society there were only two choices: manipulation or social chaos. He saw history moving in a certain direction and public relations practitioners obliged to climb on the locomotive'.
^Olasky (1984), pp. 13–14. 'What Potter did not understand, though, is that the contradictions apparent to a classically-trained political scientist formed a seamless web in the new world of public relations that Bernays was proposing. If the 'individual common man' has no real individuality, as Bernays argued in Propaganda – only 'rubber stamping' by one propagandist or another, then one more duping does no harm to individual souls. And if Hitler had hit upon the techniques and used them for evil purposes, then that would be all the more reason-- given the inevitability of these techniques being put into use and the inability of men to resist them-- for those hoping to avoid the chaos to rush the techniques into use before evil could turn them into a triumph of fire.'
^Bernays, 'The Minority Rules' (1927), p. 155; quoted in Marks (1957), p. 182.
^Olasky (1984), p. 12. 'Bernays, however, anticipated greater centralization in government and media, and the consequent growth of a new bureaucracy. He advocated governmental licensing of public relations counselors, or at the least a set pattern of formal, university training befitting those who would form a latter-day mandarin class. Bernays also tried to enlist proponents of greater economic centralization in his public-relations planning.
^StormCloudsGathering. 'Rule from the Shadows - The Psychology of Power'. StormCloudsGathering. Retrieved 2017-11-28.
^Strottman, Christine (June 18, 2013). 'Edward L. Bernays'. www.transatlanticperspectives.org. Archived from the original on December 1, 2017. Retrieved 2017-11-28.Cite uses deprecated parameter dead-url= (help)
^Cutlip (1994), p. 160.
^Olasky (1984), pp. 4–6.
^Olasky (1984), p. 8. 'Bernays' own public relations also tended to suffer when comparisons were made between his techniques and those of the Nazis. One book in 1934, for instance, criticized the techniques of propaganda 'carried into perfection by the Lord Northcliffes in wartime England, the Edward Bernays in industrial America, and the Dr. Goebbels in fascist Germany.' Barrons linked American and German-style public relations in 1935 when it noted that 'Hitler, by making what Bernays calls 'Devils' for the German masses to look down upon, has aroused the acclaim of the more easily swayed masses.' A 1934 article by Abraham H. Cohen in Opinion noted that Bernays had written a preface to a book on public opinion and commented, 'Now that the art of Ivy Lee and Edward Bernays has been reduced to a science, and is receiving the attention of the Universities, we may soon look to a new crop of manipulators of the public will. Who knows, but that a new American Goebbels...is now pouring over this book.'
^Bernays (1965), p. 652. Quoted in Dennis W. Johnson, Routledge Handbook of Political Management, (New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 314 n. 3; and in Tye (1998), p. 111.
Karl von Wiegand, foreign correspondent of the Hearst newspapers, an old hand at interpreting Europe and just returned from Germany, was telling us about Goebbels and his propaganda plans to consolidate Nazi power. Goebbels had shown Wiegand his propaganda library, the best Wiegand had ever seen. Goebbels, said Wiegand, was using my book Crystallizing Public Opinion as a basis for his destructive campaign against the Jews of Germany. This shocked me. ... Obviously the attack on the Jews of Germany was no emotional outburst of the Nazis, but a deliberate, planned campaign.
^Olasky (1984), pp. 8–9. 'Bernays himself added some gasoline to this fire when he argued, as did Goebbels, for the necessity of strong men, human gods, to emerge as influencers of public opinion; for instance, in a speech to the Financial Advertisers Association in 1935, Bernays said that the main answer to financial problems is 'to acquire an entire new set of outstanding human living symbols that will hold public confidence…Publicists, economists, leaders in research, the heads of great educational institutions can and should be made the human symbols to bring new faith and strength.' Journalists compared statements of that sort by Bernays to the thoughts of Goebbels or, alternately, Stalin.'
^Marks (1957), p. 200 'By that time [the mid-1930s] he had developed a keen sense of the threat from fascism and frequently urged that the democracies use propaganda in their own defense. It was in this context that Bernays began treating propaganda as synonymous with free speech and debate, as an unexceptional feature of democracy itself rather than as its antithesis. As a participant on 'Town Meeting of the Air' in 1937 he said,
Propaganda is the voice of the people in the democracy of today because it gives everyone an opportunity to present his point of view. Fascist or Communist societies have no alternate propagandas; they must accept the official propagandas of those in power. [...]
^Olasky (1984), p. 9. 'Bernays was able to overcome criticism partly because there was, for many, little arguing with success. Life in 1933 noted that '...at 1 Wall St., there is Edw. L. Bernays, nephew of Sigmund Freud, who has probably made more money out of applied psycho-analysis than all Vienna ever saw.' The Bulletin of the Financial Advertisers Association examined profit figures in 1935 and then called Bernays 'the outstanding counsel on public relations in the United States today, a profession he was largely instrumental in creating.'
^Marks (1957), p. 99. 'And Bernays' word was respected. Said the Committee on Propaganda of the National Education Association, citing Bernays and, incidentally using another conventional metaphor, 'This continual and universal activity [i.e. of the 'thousands of highly trained and ingenious men' who work at 'the great occupation of 'putting it over'] is regimenting the public mind as an army regiments the bodies of its soldiers.' In addition, there was a plethora of independent testimony such as that of the utility executive who told the F. T. C. that without the industry's propaganda 'state, municipal, and Government [sic] ownership would have been 100% ahead of what it is today; and Adolf Hitler's widely quoted comment that 'by sagacious and persistent use of propaganda heaven itself may be presented to a people as hell and, inversely, the most wretched existence as paradise.'
^Stauber, John and Sheldon Rampton. 'Father of Spin: Edward L. Bernays and the Birth of PR' (book review). PR Watch6:2, Second Quarter, 1999 (p. 11).

Sources[edit]

External video
Booknotes interview with Larry Tye on The Father of Spin, September 20, 1998, C-SPAN

Bernays, Edward. Biography of an Idea: Memoirs of Public Relations Counsel Edward L. Bernays New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965.
Cutlip, Scott M.The Unseen Power: Public Relations. A History. Hove, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1994. ISBN0-8058-1465-5
Ewen, Stuart. PR! A Social History of Spin. New York: Basic Books (Perseus), 1996. ISBN0-465-06179-6
Marks, Barry Alan. 'The Idea of Propaganda in America.' PhD dissertation accepted at the University of Minnesota, 1957.
Olasky, Marvin. 'Reception of Edward Bernays’ Doctrine of ‘Manipulating Public Opinion'. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, 6 August 1984; (ERIC).
Olasky, Marvin. 'Bringing 'Order Out of Chaos': Edward Bernays and the Salvation of Society Through Public Relations'. Journalism History, 12(1), Spring 1985.
Rampton, Sheldon, and John Stauber. Trust Us, We're Experts! How Industry Manipulates Science and Gambles With Your Future. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putnam, 2001. ISBN1-58542-059-X
Tye, Larry. The Father of Spin: Edward L. Bernays and the Birth of Public Relations. New York: Crown, 1998. ISBN0805067892

External video
'Edward Bernays and Corporate Public Relations' - Presentation by University of Michigan professor David Hancock, December 5, 2013, C-SPAN

External links[edit]

Wikisource has original works written by or about:
Edward Bernays

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Edward Bernays

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Edward Bernays.

Edward L. Bernays papers at Library of Congress (finding aid)
- Some Bernays papers at LOC are online as part of 'Prosperity and Thrift: The Coolidge Era and the Consumer Economy, 1921–1929'.
The Edward L. Bernays papers, 1982–1998 (bulk 1993–1995) are located in the Northeastern University Libraries, Archives and Special Collections Department, Boston, MA.
'Everett Dean Martin and Edward L. Bernays, Are We Victims of Propaganda? (Library of Congress reproduction from The Forum Magazine, March, 1929)'. Memory.loc.gov. Retrieved 2010-02-12.
Appearances on C-SPAN
Works by Edward L. Bernays at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Edward Bernays at Internet Archive
LETTER TO MR. EDWARD L. BERNAYS FROM <Sanitized> RDP80B01676R003800020083-0 ; 'LETTER TO MR. EDWARD L. BERNAYS FROM <Sanitized> RDP80B01676R003800020084-9 ', 1958, Central Intelligence Agency,

Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Edward_Bernays&oldid=914064018'

Etymology[edit]

History[edit]

Public perceptions[edit]

Types[edit]

Religious[edit]

Wartime[edit]

Advertising[edit]

Politics[edit]

Techniques[edit]

Models[edit]

Social psychology[edit]

Herman and Chomsky[edit]

Children[edit]

Anti-Semitic propaganda for children[edit]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

Sources[edit]

Further reading[edit]

Books[edit]

Essays and articles[edit]

Family and education[edit]

Career[edit]

Medical editor[edit]

Press agent[edit]

World War I[edit]

Counsel on public relations[edit]

Notable clients and campaigns[edit]

Light's Golden Jubilee[edit]

Political clients[edit]